Words matter. These are the best Syria Quotes from famous people such as Crispin Blunt, Haider al-Abadi, James Lankford, Sarah Parcak, Michael Ignatieff, and they’re great for sharing with your friends.

Disentangling this mess of foreign national interests is a necessary precondition to ensuring that there will be a future for Syria that is Syrian-led and Syrian-owned.
For us, sovereignty of Syria is very important.
Assad has to go. I mean, the way that ISIS can recruit, and the rebels that are in the north, and all the chaos that’s happening through a lot of Syria circles around a lot of people that do not like Assad.
I am part of a network of people monitoring what’s happening at ancient sites in Iraq and Syria – from space. We can see clearly the destruction.
Both Iraq and Syria are a fissile mixture of ethnicities and religions thrown together after Versailles by departing French and British imperialists and only kept together by Baathist tyranny and violence.
As the crisis in Syria grows and the humanitarian tragedy becomes more clear, I appreciated Prime Minister Netanyahu’s perspective on the changes and volatility in the region.
What I’m trying to do, and my policy, is to disassociate, to shy away from what’s going on in Syria.
Few Americans realize it, but the United Nations is driving to take control over the Internet. You remember, the folks who want a worldwide income tax and who put Syria and Iran on their Human Rights Committee.
I have also been saddened, though hardly surprised, by the weakness of the EU’s reaction to the criminal attack on the Danish embassy in Syria, which seems to have been permitted, if not actively encouraged, by the Syrian regime.
I do know that Syria never will recognize Lebanon as an independent country, and the declaration of independence of Lebanon took place in 1943. Syria never – Syria never have recognized Lebanon. They regard Lebanon as part of Syria.
If Syria disintegrates, God forbid, the whole area will be under threat.
I intend to vote against authorizing the president to use military force in Syria. The Obama Administration has not provided a clear or convincing strategy for inserting our military into the conflict. I am also deeply concerned about the extent to which al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorists are involved in the rebellion.
Assad is the president of Syria. He enjoys fairly effective control over his country.
In the spring of 2007, Israeli intelligence brought to Washington proof that the Assad regime in Syria was building a nuclear reactor along the Euphrates – with North Korean help. This reactor was a copy of the Yongbyon reactor the North Koreans had built, and was part of a Syrian nuclear weapons program.
Syria is a problem, but Iran is a bigger problem.
One could imagine a day when empowered and experienced representatives of liberated areas will sit with the regime’s representatives and work to negotiate to reunify a more democratic Syria.
I was a part of the planning and attack package intelligence team for the strike against Syria in 1983 – in which we lost a pilot and had another one captured until Jesse Jackson got him out – and numerous other operations against Syria both before the Iraq war and during the insurgency.
As international support for Obama’s decision to attack Syria has collapsed, along with the credibility of government claims, the administration has fallen back on a standard pretext for war crimes when all else fails: the credibility of the threats of the self-designated policeman of the world.
Israel will continue to act proactively to prevent the transfer of heavy missiles or advanced air defense systems from Syria to Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, which, of course, carries the risk of a military showdown.
If Russia has the influence in Syria that it claims to have, we need to see them use it. We need to see them put an end to these horrific acts. How many more children have to die before Russia cares?
Lebanon cannot resolve a question like Hezbollah which is in Syria, Iraq, everywhere because of Iran. It is a regional political solution that needs to be done.
It is better for the Arab countries themselves to interfere out of their national, humanitarian, political and military duties and to do what is necessary to stop the bloodshed in Syria.
I salute all the nations of the Arab Spring and I salute the heroic people of Syria who are striving for freedom, democracy and reform.
Before statehood was achieved, Syria and Egypt had their tanks and military equipment lined up to invade Tel Aviv and destroy it; but the Israelis scrambled together an air force, some of it from old Second World War Messerschmidts, and the invasion was halted.
Syria’s population is 74% Sunni Muslim.
The United States and its Gulf allies, some of who are actively funding rebel groups in Syria, should undertake a serious joint review of Jordan’s needs and then act together to meet them.
No one doubts that poison gas was used in Syria. But there is every reason to believe it was used, not by the Syrian Army, but by opposition forces to provoke intervention by their powerful foreign patrons, who would be siding with the fundamentalists.
Half of Syria’s refugees are children, and we know what can happen to children who grow to adulthood without hope or opportunity in refugee camps. The camps become fertile recruiting grounds for violent extremists.
I think it’s important to note that after the airstrikes began in Iraq and Syria, ISIS began a very aggressive social media campaign calling for these types of attacks, these lone wolf attacks.
No one doubts that innocent men, women and children have been the victims of chemical weapons attacks in Syria. And there’s no doubt who is responsible for this heinous use of chemical weapons in Syria: the Syrian regime.
Why give Russia or Syria any reason to doubt that Obama would use force?

There is little doubt that an unstable Syria will destabilize the whole Middle East.
In the Arab Spring, that obviously came to a head in Syria. I found myself arguing for intervention, mainly just because I wanted things to get better, and I had this germ of liberal humanitarian interventionism.
I think it is absolutely correct to solve the problem of terrorism in Iraq and Syria and Libya.
If Trump’s talking to Putin can help end the bloodshed in Ukraine or Syria, it would appear to be at least as ethical an act as pulpiteering about our moral superiority on the Sunday talk shows.
Terrorists are trained in Syria, and weapons come from Iran and Syria, and I believe that’s something that should be stopped.
As the name of the agency suggests, ‘Department of Defense,’ the defense refers to the United States of America – not the defense of South Korea, not the defense of Ukraine, not the defense of Syria or Germany.
Lebanon is restless, Syria got its walking papers, Egypt is scheduling elections with more than one candidate, and even Saudi Arabia, whose rulers are perhaps more terrified of women than rulers anywhere else in the world, allowed limited municipal elections.
We know that there are various activities important to the insurgents in Iraq that are occurring in Syria.
I worry a bit about the unknowns when it comes to travelers to the war zones in Syria and Iraq. Who don’t I see? And I worry about the people who may be in their basements radicalizing that I can’t see.
I’m over here with the French counterterrorism experts talking about the ‘Charlie Hebdo’ case, how we can stop foreign fighters from coming out of Iraq and Syria to Europe, but then we have this phenomenon in the United States where they can be activated by the Internet, and, really, terrorism has gone viral.
In Syria, a no-fly zone targeted at Assad’s air force and safe zones for refugees fleeing the fighting would help tamp down the death toll that plays into the hands of ISIS and other Sunni militants who can position themselves as the only groups that are really defending the Sunni population.
The regime of Bashar al-Assad will inevitably go down. And its collapse will be loud not only in Syria but across the Arab world.
For Putin, Syria is all too reminiscent of Chechnya. Both conflicts pitted the state against disparate and leaderless opposition forces, which over time came to include extremist Sunni Islamist groups.
The overall feckless strategy against ISIS in Syria and Iraq enabled the Islamist organization to expand its domain and drive out more religious minorities.
On one level, bombing ISIS is easy. The U.S. knows where the group operates. There’s no need for a ten-year hunt like the one for Osama bin Laden. The terror group has two capital cities: Mosul in Iraq and Raqqa in Syria. Al-Qaeda never had such an obvious home address.
I think Syria is in a particularly sensitive geopolitical position in terms of the politics of the Middle East.
We worry a lot about ISIS traveling overseas from Syria to the United States, but I think one of the greatest fears are those already within the U.S. who are being radicalized and inspired by the ISIS propaganda that’s out there on the Internet.
I think Syria is often covered by phone. You have to talk to activists. You have to try to read the tea leaves. You have to talk to government officials. It’s remote-control reporting in a way.
Russia’s actions in Syria are not the only reasons to distrust Mr. Putin. Moscow has opposed attempts by the U.N. in November 2011 to increase sanctions against Iran for its illicit nuclear program.