Top 33 Vince Cable Quotes

My college, Fitzwilliam, was pretty good but unfashionable and I lived in digs so I was not part of the cloistered ‘old college’ environment, which frankly was a bit intimidating. But I worked hard and settled in by exploring politics and girls.

The food in the House of Commons is fairly good. The cafe in Portcullis House is really very high quality, and you also have a choice of eating in the more traditional restaurants, the Churchill Room or the Members’ Dining Room. I don’t often eat in them, though, as I’m usually on the run.

There was, of course, a global financial crisis. But our Labour predecessors left Britain exceptionally vulnerable and damaged: more personal debt than any other major economy; a dangerously inflated property bubble; and a bloated banking sector behaving as masters, not the servants of the people.

The economy has become seriously unbalanced. Its growth has not been driven by investment or by overcoming Britain’s long-standing weaknesses in investment and productivity, particularly skills. Instead, there has been a binge of debt-financed consumer spending.

I fear that the rising personal bankruptcies and repossessions are the first signs of bigger problems to come and personal debt – Gordon Brown’s legacy to millions of Britain’s families – will hang like a millstone around the neck of the British people for years to come.

Britain is no longer one of the world’s price setters. It is painful. It is a challenge to us in government to explain all that, and it is a pity that the political class is not preparing the public for it to understand how massive the problem is.

Regulators are a backstop: they don’t own banks. The governance at the top of our leading banks has been shown to be lamentably weak. No one at the top of Barclays will take responsibility for systemic abuse.

I’ve always been comfortable working with women and I’ve had two happy marriages. Draw what conclusions you like from that.

When my job was attempting to predict future economic developments for the Shell oil company, I was frequently reminded of an Arabic saying: ‘Those who claim to foresee the future are lying, even if by chance they are later proved right.’

I am going to confront the old-fashioned negative thinking which says that all government needs to do to generate growth is cut worker and environmental protections, cut taxes on the rich and stroke ‘fat cats’ until they purr with pleasure. I’m completely repudiating the idea that government has to get out of the way.

Billions of taxpayers’ money has been wasted in bad deals. The London Underground modernisation, personally negotiated by one of Gordon Brown’s team, was a disaster, as the National Audit Office has confirmed.

We’ve got to get back on track to working with them. Because if I and my colleagues are going to continue to attract inward investment from overseas – you know particularly from the big Asian countries – they see Britain as a gateway to Europe. They don’t want any doubts cast upon that.

I think what is happening is I think first of all there is confidence in the U.K. economy. We’re in a German rather than a Greek position in international financial markets, which is very positive and keeps our debt service costs down, and we’re also beginning to see real evidence of rebalancing.

Banks operate like a man who either wears his trousers round his chest, stifling breathing, as now, or round his ankles, exposing his assets. We want their trousers tied round their middle: steady lending growth; particularly to productive British business, especially small scale enterprise.

Many of our problems are home-grown. Gordon Brown regularly advised the rest of the world to follow his British model of growth. But the model was flawed. It led to the highest level of household debt in relation to income in the world.

Our workforce is very co-operative, very flexible, easy to work with and one of the big selling points. The idea that Britain is still back in the labour market of the ’70s is utterly bizarre.

For wide swaths of training and education there are valuable spillovers which mean that the private sector needs support from the government. That is why I have been so determined to protect and grow apprenticeships and put higher education on a sustainable footing.

I made friends with a boy who was a communist when I was 13 and that broadened my political views, but it also brought me into conflict with my father who was very Right-wing.

Housing associations have fingered the fact that they cannot use their assets as liquidity due to Bank of England rules unlike their continental equivalents. This has emerged to be one of the main bottlenecks to getting investment going in the U.K. It is a Bank of England issue.

I have managed to infuriate the bank bosses; acquire a fatwa from the revolutionary guards of the trades union movement; frighten the ‘Daily Telegraph’ with a progressive graduate payment; and upset very rich people who are trying to dodge British taxes. I must be doing something right.

The worship of youth has diminished – perhaps generally – in recent years.

We have sectors of the economy, aerospace is a good example, where Britain’s probably the second country in the world, the automobile sector, where we’ve done extraordinarily well, an enormous amount of investment over the last couple of years, life sciences is another.

When I was a child we were sufficiently well off for me to be a picky eater and I still cannot eat vegetables cooked in the traditional British manner.

We do recognise that there are areas where the current financial services market, the banking market, just isn’t working for chunks of the British economy.

Investment banking has, in recent years, resembled a casino, and the massive scale of gambling losses has dragged down traditional business and retail lending activities as banks try to rebuild their balance sheets. This was one aspect of modern financial liberalisation that had dire consequences.

When Gordon Brown becomes prime minister, the balance sheet that reflects his economic stewardship could look very sickly indeed. He could become Labour’s biggest liability, not its most marketable asset.

My late wife Olympia was Goan and I’ve been to India many times. I love the food there. We used to do our shopping in Southall, where you can find cheap but wonderful fruit like mangoes, vegetables and spices. I didn’t do much of the cooking, as Olympia did a lot – I was the under-chef and did some of the chopping.

I don’t feel comfortable with luxury, and I try to stay fairly normal.

We’ve been a bit too defensive about the European Union rules. We don’t want to become protectionist and nationalist in the way we buy things but we think we could do a lot more to promote British business through procurement.

And humility in politics means accepting that one party doesn’t have all the answers; recognising that working in partnership is progress not treachery.

I’m now happily remarried to a good cook, which encourages me to be lazy. I like to think that I’m a new man, but perhaps I’m not. I offset it by doing the ironing, though. She has a small farm in the New Forest with a herd of cattle, so she serves up a steak and kidney pie made with her own beef.

On banks, I make no apology for attacking spivs and gamblers who did more harm to the British economy than Bob Crow could achieve in his wildest Trotskyite fantasies, while paying themselves outrageous bonuses underwritten by the taxpayer. There is much public anger about banks and it is well deserved.

I know it sounds trite but I wanted to make a difference. Political debates with my father had been fraught because he was uncompromising and explosive but if he taught me one thing it was to air my views.