Words matter. These are the best Tom Malinowski Quotes, and they’re great for sharing with your friends.
Russia’s interference in the United States’ 2016 election could not have been more different from what the United States does to promote democracy in other countries, efforts for which I was responsible as a State Department official.
Capping our SALT deduction was a deliberate attempt to punish states that value quality public services.
Anyone who is willing and able to put their life on the line to protect America should be honored, not punished.
When an issue is important to Washington, U.S. officials figure out what leverage they have and use it as assertively and creatively as they can. They don’t make excuses.
You can usually figure what Russian President Vladimir Putin is doing and why by noting the actions and values he falsely projects onto others.
Investment in public infrastructure is key to America’s greatness and essential to our national security.
Protecting our democracy shouldn’t be a partisan issue.
America may be a fallible democracy. But when the president sacrifices the national interest for his personal interest, we can show that unlike other countries, we have a remedy.
Our infrastructure in America, once the envy of the world, is losing its battle against time, growth, weather, and wear.
Since the first archer fired the first arrow, warriors have been inventing ways to strike their enemies while removing themselves from harm’s way.
A robotic arms race seems inevitable unless nations collectively decide to avoid one.
By the time I joined the Obama administration in 2014, it was widely expected that the president of the United States would raise human rights concerns in just about every meeting with a foreign leader, and meet with activists in countries he visited.
At the State Department, where I oversaw our human rights diplomacy, I often confronted dictatorships like China about their censorship of the Internet, which they justified by claiming they were merely filtering out lies. Our government cannot and should not take that path.
Putin interfered in our election because he wanted an American president who sees the world as he does.
The House Foreign Affairs Committee can and should become the principal institution in Washington exercising foreign policy oversight and serving as an alternative voice for America to the world. I hope to make a significant contribution in that effort.
A transactional foreign policy is not what convinces people around the world to stand with America.
There are norms that preserve some equilibrium between chaos and stability in the world; that keep sociopaths like Assad from undermining that equilibrium, and the sense of security without which the freedoms we enjoy cannot exist.
As an Asst. Secretary of State, I often urged authoritarian governments around the world not to use emergency powers to defy their legislatures, courts, and laws.
We believe in rule of law not rule by decree.
The rule of law that China’s dissidents ask for is important to U.S. businesses investing in China as well.
I’d much rather face the voters defending what’s right and true than to have to explain selling my country and my soul to Donald Trump.
President Trump has made no secret of his disdain for NATO and his willingness to consider leaving it.
The president has immense powers, but he cannot spend money unless we, the people’s representatives in Congress, have agreed that he can.
In a totalitarian state like North Korea, a group of neighbors gathering once a week to watch the latest episode of a forbidden soap opera is committing a political act, and forming, with the market traders who deliver them this treasure, a rudimentary civil society.
I’ve traveled the world, and I’ve seen how people marvel at the United States of America, at our democracy, at our ambition to build what so few countries have – a nation defined not by race or tribe or religion or place of birth but by an idea, that everyone is created equal.
An American government that really wanted to stick it to the Chinese Communist Party would be reinforcing U.S. alliances in Asia, instead of threatening to withdraw troops from South Korea and Japan until they pay extortionate rates for U.S. bases.
I will be working with my colleagues in the Congress to ensure that the federal government devotes as much attention to the domestic and transnational threat of white nationalist violence as it rightly has to all forms of terrorism.
Perhaps we could do without tragedy in art – but what about comedy? Is it a coincidence that so many of the best American humorists have been Jewish and African-American?
Because of the friendship and common interests our two nations share, the U.S. has a stake in Ethiopia’s prosperity, stability and success.
Arresting opposition leaders and restricting civil society will not stop people from protesting, but it can create leaderless movements that leave no one with whom the government can mediate a peaceful way forward.
In a sense, the central problem in U.S.-Russian relations has been a form of psychological projection. Putin views foreign policy as a means of enhancing Russia’s – and his regime’s – security, power and wealth in a zero-sum competition with other states. He assumes Americans are the same.
We are a country where the ancestors of slaves and newcomers escaping tyranny and violence can rise to the highest positions in the land.
The American people do not want to waste billions of dollars on a wall that won’t stop illegal immigration but will make America look fearful and foolish.
As a former Assistant Secretary of State, Senior Director on the National Security Council, and Washington Director for Human Rights Watch, I hope to bring unique experience and knowledge to the Foreign Affairs Committee.
With no guillotine, ‘A Tale of Two Cities’ would have been a travel guide.
Protecting those with pre-existing conditions was one of the greatest health care reforms in our country’s history and must be protected at all costs.
I am very determined to stand up against any threat to the basic Democratic values and institutions of this country.
As a Polish American, I grew up hearing the phrase ‘nothing about us without us.’ To Eastern Europeans, the vow is a painful reminder of how Joseph Stalin, Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt carved up their small countries after World War II, placing them, against their will, under Soviet domination.
TPP is not a leap of faith; it is an instrument of leverage.
I was elected to fight for the people of New Jersey, to win federal investment in our infrastructure, to strengthen our health care, to address gun violence, and get back our SALT deductions.
Ethiopia is a major contributor to peace and security in Africa, the U.S.’s ally in the fight against violent extremists, and has shown incredible generosity to those escaping violence and repression, admitting more refugees than any country in the world.
The chance to profit from corruption is why many authoritarian leaders seize and cling to power.
I recognize that most Americans are tired of U.S. troops fighting in Afghanistan after more than 18 years of war. I am, too.
When I was in government, I urged Congress to require that information about the actual owners of companies registered in the U.S. be disclosed to the Treasury Department, and made available on request to law enforcement.
Any strategy to promote democracy and human rights must have the fight against corruption at its heart.
The desire to help those struggling abroad gain the freedoms enjoyed here at home has remained a uniquely unifying force in American politics.
It is utterly wrong for a president – any president – to shutter the government of the United States when he can’t persuade the Congress and the American people to give him what he wants.
Looking back on the Tiananmen movement, it is striking how modest the protesters’ demands were: an end to press censorship and restrictions on demonstrations; openness about the income of state leaders; increased funding for education.
The president is entitled to try to persuade Congress and the American people to pursue whatever policies he thinks are needed. But he is not entitled to shut down the government when he fails to persuade us.
We learn to laugh from the cultures that suffered most – from the Russians, Poles, and Irish – not from Sweden or France (the French go for Jerry Lewis – enough said).
