Words matter. These are the best Brexit Quotes from famous people such as Layla Moran, Crispin Blunt, Penny Mordaunt, Nigel Farage, Anna Soubry, and they’re great for sharing with your friends.
A united, functional opposition really could stop Brexit.
The Conservatives as a Brexit party, being very clear about their objectives are almost certainly going to have to go into some kind of electoral arrangement with the Brexit Party, otherwise Brexit doesn’t happen.
The reality is that no Brexit deal can be achieved if Northern Ireland is never allowed to leave the Customs Union.
In some ways, backing the Trump campaign was even harder than battling for Brexit. I received almost total condemnation, including from many senior figures in my own party.
If Theresa May is big enough to admit her mistakes and put a kinder Conservatism into the heart of her government, she may survive, reunite our broken country, and deliver a considerably better Brexit deal.
Labour are a danger to our security and our economy and are wholly incapable of negotiating the best Brexit deal for Britain.
I was on ‘X Factor’ the day after the Brexit vote. People voted for Brexit. But the public also voted for me, they wanted me to be there and part of the music industry. I haven’t felt any bad effects.
We cannot allow Brexit to be driven by narrow and divisive Tory ideology.
When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.
It’s irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
In the end, pragmatism requires a workable compromise. But none exists on Brexit.
The impact of Brexit is likely to be slow and incremental, hardly the sudden transformation that some Leave voters wanted. Immigrants will not disappear, and manufacturing will not immediately return to northern-English cities – quite the contrary.
I will always believe that my vote, and the votes of my Lib Dem colleagues, are the best thing I can do to save this country from a no-deal Brexit and save it from Boris Johnson.
Poll after poll has shown that a no-deal Brexit is emphatically not what the public wants – whatever the Leave campaign-staffed No 10 press office may tell lobby correspondents.
Brexit can tend to be a dialogue of the deaf.
We will vote down a blind Brexit. This isn’t about frustrating the process. It’s about stopping a destructive Tory Brexit. It’s about fighting for our values and about fighting for our country.
I believe Britain’s response to Brexit must be based on core progressive values: internationalism, cooperation, social justice and the rule of law.
A Brexit that works for Britain needs to work for small businesses and must ensure that our future trade deals don’t just work for big business.
Senior Tories have exhibited a brand of entitled arrogance that implies that they own Brexit. It seems that anyone else who claims its mantle can be pushed to one side. And that includes voters.
People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.
One of the most depressing aspects of the whole Brexit debate has been the rush to instant judgment about the motives of MPs and others and the readiness to accuse others of treachery or betrayal.
Brexit, for all its likely harms, represents an opportunity to pay landowners and tenants to do something completely different, rather than spending yet more public money on trashing our life-support systems.
The group For Our Future’s Sake will tour key marginal constituencies to ensure first that young people register to vote then, second, that they use that vote tactically to keep their hope of a final Brexit referendum alive.
Resistance to Brexit is the logic of everything Labour stands for.
At least from a national security standpoint, none of the problems the U.S. and U.K. face will become easier to solve if the U.K. is out of the E.U.; on the contrary, I fear that a ‘Brexit’ would only make our world even more dangerous and difficult to manage.
Between Trump’s election and Brexit, there were all sorts of opinions coming out of the woodwork that I thought had died out a long time ago. I was like, ‘What’s the point?’ All we do is bad things. The history of humanity is the history of people exploiting each other.
As I predicted, young people who overwhelmingly didn’t want Brexit have turned out in their droves and exacted revenge on a generation of Leavers who they believe stole their future while enjoying generous pensions as they denied them the first rung on the property ladder.
Brexit has energised millions of people, young and old, to take part in our democracy and that’s a great thing.
I challenge the Government to come clean on the cost of Brexit. The reason they can’t look us in the eye, it’s because they know this will leave us worse off and with less control. It’s a gross abuse of civil service impartiality.
By stopping Brexit, investing in skills and providing tailored support to key industries, we can get the UK economy back on track and help the communities that have been hit hardest by the threat of Brexit.
As a past attorney general I consider a WTO Brexit to be a disaster for us as, leaving aside the economic damage it will cause, it would trash our reputation for observing our international obligations – as it must lead to our breaching the Good Friday Agreement with Ireland on the Irish border.
No-deal Brexit can and must be stopped. To do that, MPs across Parliament who oppose it need to stand up and be counted. The options available are limited, and we must come together around a workable plan.
If anything, one would think we learn from Brexit is we need a strong, stable banking system, not one to repeal the consumer bureau and repeal Dodd-Frank and give Wall Street what it wants. That would be the worst kind of response.
I don’t think the British people really knew the ramifications of what would happen after Brexit or not.
Every day we let this Brexit mess go on means less money being invested in the UK, fewer jobs being created and less tax revenue to pay for our public services.
One thing we can be sure of is that Brexit will leave its mark on the E.U.
My eldest son you know, in his short life so far, he’s experimented with Corbynism, Communism, Brexit. He’s now Welsh nationalist and libertarian.
The economic crisis caused by a hard Brexit or the democratic deficit of a soft Brexit both risk fuelling Britain’s populist right.
The nature of the final Brexit deal really matters. It is, as I have said before, the battle of our times.
A no deal Brexit could bring Britain to a grinding halt and threaten the wellbeing of our country.
I think that the European Union negotiators have gotten a shock. They were shocked when they realised the Brexit trade negotiations were not just going to be a continuation of those that happened under Theresa May.
People get so heated about it and can’t see the funny side, I think. And plus, everything’s been said. It must be really difficult to come up with new jokes about Brexit.
Brexit is a disaster, Italy won’t be real about its debt, and the European Union is in trouble.
Those who think in Britain they can push the Brexit button and not have a bill to pay are seriously mistaken.
Ultimately, Boris Johnson and the political and financial support behind his Brexit project are probably the biggest threat to both British democracy and the post-war welfare state settlement we’ve faced in the post-war period.
We need to work together to either achieve a form of Brexit that does not threaten our future or ensure that the decision to complete departure is the electorate’s informed choice.
Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.
If the widespread attempts to block Brexit gave us a glimpse into how fragile our commitment to democracy had become – reduced to a technocratic in-name-only veneer – reactions to Covid are a stark reminder that freedom cannot be assumed as a social norm that’s deeply embedded into our institutions and our psyche.
The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.
The argument that won the Brexit campaign is the one that said take back control… which is another way of saying we want to control our destinies again. This is an existential issue for the whole of Europe, not just for the U.K., because this sentiment is not limited to the United Kingdom.
Once the country voted for Brexit, I wanted the prime minister to make a success of it, but I knew that unpicking 45 years of entwinement with the E.U. would be impossible without our elected lawmakers being fully involved.
There are tradeoffs between independence and co-operation, between regulatory autonomy and market access. This means that compromises are necessary to deliver a pragmatic Brexit that protects jobs and living standards while respecting the referendum result.
Schools unable to keep their lights on and their doors open for the full working week is just the latest bleak instalment of a long-running show. The age of austerity returns for its ninth miserable year; always in the background, the common denominator in everything from the Brexit vote to knife crime.
