Words matter. These are the best Counterterrorism Quotes from famous people such as Robert Mueller, Maajid Nawaz, Will Hurd, Eric Greitens, Peter Bergen, and they’re great for sharing with your friends.
My admonition is, ‘No counterterrorism lead goes uncovered.’
Broader social concerns within Muslim communities, such as discrimination, integration or socio-economic disadvantages, should be treated distinctively and not as part of counterterrorism agenda, which has been counter-productive.
As a former undercover CIA officer, I’ve worked with my colleagues in the 114th Congress to approach the growing terrorist threat from a number of angles, including addressing the issue of terrorists’ ease of travel, combating terrorist recruitment strategies, and improving our own counterterrorism capabilities.
Since Bin Laden’s death, many Americans have decided that our job in Afghanistan is done. They see a victory in the counterterrorism campaign, and are tired of the corruption, confusion and dysfunction of the nation-building campaign.
In the public’s mind, Special Forces are often confused with the ‘door kickers’ of Special Operations Forces – such as SEAL Team 6 and Delta Force – who are the United States’ elite counterterrorism operators.
Terrorists continue to exploit divisions between law enforcement and the intelligence communities that limit the sharing of vital counterterrorism information.
I think there was a pretty smooth hand-off from the administration of President Clinton to the administration of President Bush, particularly in the counterterrorism area. The reason I say that is because there was, for transitions, I think a stunning continuity.
I developed a counterterrorism device that’s revolutionizing the way we detect nuclear materials.
We will never abdicate the security of the United States to a foreign country or refrain from taking action when appropriate. But we cannot ignore the reality that cooperative counterterrorism activities are a key to our national defense.
There is no doubt that counterterrorism takes time because it is not action against a regular army.
Our counterterrorism tools do not exist in a vacuum. They are stronger and more sustainable when the American people understand and support them. They are weaker and less sustainable when the American people do not.
Since leaving the church, I’ve been working with law enforcement involved in counterterrorism and deradicalization. I hoped that illuminating Westboro’s ideology – and especially the unraveling of that ideology – would be useful to the people doing that work.
As a CIA officer, I worked counterterrorism and counternarcotics cases, and I have an acute awareness about the threats facing our country, both foreign and domestic.
We certainly have the best special operations forces in the world and know how to do counterterrorism extremely well.
The U.S., often in secret, carries out counterterrorism missions all the time, with drones in places like Yemen and Somalia.
When we uphold the rule of law, our counterterrorism tools are more likely to withstand the scrutiny of our courts, our allies, and the American people.
Whenever counterterrorism professionals see punditry and media make grand pronunciations on terrorism that defy all demonstrable evidence, an unrepeatable oath is usually muttered.
I think what we’ve learned is that the terrorist threat is serious, but it shifts. You cannot make a single person the sole focus of your counterterrorism.
I have fiercely criticized both the Bush administration’s counterterrorism policies and the Obama administration’s – and fiercely defended both as well.
One of the great intellectual failures of the American intelligence community, and especially the counterterrorism community, is to assume if someone hasn’t attacked us, it’s because he can’t or because we’ve defeated him.
Every threat needs to be taken as: ‘This is the one; this is the real threat.’ That’s how we focus on things in counterterrorism. You never know which terrorist threat is the real one. And you treat every one as though this could be it; this could be the big attack.
Agents who have left the Secret Service to join other federal law enforcement agencies report that training in firearms and counterterrorism tactics in those agencies in many cases far exceeds the quality of what the Secret Service offered.
Many of Bush’s defenders have praised him for keeping the country safe since Sept. 11, 2001. He deserves that praise, and I’m perfectly happy to defend most of his surveillance, interrogation and counterterrorism policies against his critics.
Just take terrorism, for example. We have a team of more than 200 people working on counterterrorism. I mean, that’s pretty intense. That’s not like what people think about what Facebook is.
When we uphold the rule of law, our counterterrorism tools are more likely to withstand the scrutiny of our courts, our allies, and the American people. And when we uphold the rule of law it provides a powerful alternative to the twisted worldview offered by al-Qa’ida.
The inattention of the Bush administration to the threat from al Qaeda had results. Shortly before 9/11, Bush’s attorney general, John Ashcroft, turned down FBI requests for some 400 additional counterterrorism personnel.
Our intelligence community needs better coordination of operations and exchange of information, and that’s why we need an overall director of national intelligence and a national counterterrorism center.
Counterterrorism isn’t really about the nunchakus, the guns and gadgets. It’s about psychology.
Counterterrorism analysts have known for years that al Qaeda prepares for attacks with elaborate ‘targeting packages’ of photographs and notes.
ICE does a lot of other things that people don’t realize. They work on counterterrorism, cyber security.
Counterterrorism, cyberterrorism, it’s real.
Counterterrorism, counterproliferation, and counterintelligence are staples. The four countries of highest interest – Russia, China, Iran and North Korea – are constants.
Afghanistan remains an opportunity to deal al Qaeda a vital strategic blow, especially since we have abandoned all operations – including counterterrorism operations – in Iraq.
I knew from the beginning that privacy was going to be a huge issue, especially with regard to applying Total Information Awareness in counterterrorism. Because if the technology development was successful, a logical place to apply it was inside the United States.
I’m over here with the French counterterrorism experts talking about the ‘Charlie Hebdo’ case, how we can stop foreign fighters from coming out of Iraq and Syria to Europe, but then we have this phenomenon in the United States where they can be activated by the Internet, and, really, terrorism has gone viral.
We worked to develop our own operations to advance U.S. counterterrorism objectives by penetrating terrorist safe havens and collecting intelligence that would inform policy and enable our own operations.
By the time President Obama took office, Guantanamo was viewed internationally as a symbol of a counterterrorism approach that flouted our laws and strayed from our values, undercutting the perceived legitimacy – and therefore the effectiveness – of our efforts.
FBI Miami is one of the top five offices. Not only are they responsible for all the work that goes on here in South Florida, but they are one of my international offices, so they cover kidnappings or counterintelligence matters or counterterrorism matters in the whole hemisphere.
Given our law enforcement authorities, our central role in the Intelligence Community, and the span of our responsibilities – from counterterrorism to counterintelligence to criminal investigations – we’re particularly well-positioned to address cyber threats to our national security.
Secondly, not only have we put additional agents on counterterrorism, but we’ve also built up our analytical structure so that we’re better positioned to analyze the information we have.
